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Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Multilevel Labor Activism, Transnational Institutions, and China -- The Problem of Activism in Multiple Institutional Contexts: Studying Transnational Pathways of Influence -- How to Study Transnational Pathway of Influence -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Defining the Shadow of the Dragon: China's Internal and External Strength -- China's Economic Liberalization Without Political Liberalization -- The Emergence of Different Production Regimes -- The Evolution of the Chinese Labor Law -- The Changing State-Society Relationship: The Evolution of NGOs with Chinese Characteristics -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Transnational Activism within the International-Organizational Pathway. The Case of the ILO -- Inter-pathway Dynamics and China's Changing Position Toward the ILO Since the 1990s -- Three Facets of Labor Activism from Above, Aside, and from Within -- Activism from Above: International Union Complaints and Diagnostic Struggles About the Rule of Law in China -- Outcomes and Consequences of Activism from Above -- Activism from Aside: The Constitution of Transnational Linkages and the Changing Relationship of the ICFTU Toward the ACFTU -- Activism from Below? China State Agencies as Gate Keepers for Transnational Domestic Opportunities -- Summary and Conclusion: Unions Strategies in the Context of the ILO -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 4: The Bilateral Pathway: The European Union and China -- Mapping the Opportunity Structure in Europe's Changing Trade and Labor Agenda -- The Participatory Turn in the EU's New Trade and Labor Agenda -- The EU's External Social Agenda -- The Europe-China Trade Relations -- The Fragmented Mobilizing Structure Within Europe -- Forms of Labor-Rights Activism Within the EU-China Trade Relations

Die Entwicklung von Gewerkschaftsstrukturen in Myanmar seit der Einführung des neuen Arbeitsgesetzes und der demokratischen Öffnung Myanmars 2011 kann als Erfolgsgeschichte bezeichnet werden, vor allem vor dem Hintergrund der Unterdrückung der Gewerkschaften und anderen politischen Organisationen seitens der militärischen Herrschaft seit 1962. Der Beitrag zeigt, wie Gesetzgebung und die Entstehung von Gewerkschaften in Myanmar mit einander verflochten sind. Arbeitskonflikte können dabei als die treibende Kraft der Organisation von Gewerkschaften betrachtet werden.(Elektronische Langversion des im Druck erschienenen Artikels.)

AbstractThis article examines the neglected question of workers' voice in the transnational governance of labour rights. While governance studies often neglect worker's agency and labour studies focus on strikes or collective bargaining, this article takes the theoretical lenses of recursivity to explore and compare new channels for worker participation that developed in the context of transnational governance schemes. Taking the example of the Fair Labor Association, a prominent multistakeholder initiative in the garment industry, the article distinguishes between three channels: workers' surveys during audits, complaint procedures, and local grievance mediation. Despite the fact that such opportunities count as key innovations for the participation of labour in transnational governance, statistical and qualitative data from FLA's factory audits and self‐conducted interviews show that locally situated actors, especially workers, are only occasionally able to make their voice heard in formally open channels. The article identifies two main sources of constraints: the first is workers' lack of knowledge of these channels and distrust towards these procedures. This is tied, secondly, to the more fundamental problem that business continues to have interpretative power over the nature of the problems and solutions in transnational labour governance.

ABSTRACTThis contribution discusses trajectories of labour power in the making. Taking a practice theory perspective on power, and focusing on the Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh, the author asks how Bangladeshi trade unions are attempting to use changes in the industrial landscape after the factory collapse of Rana Plaza in 2013 to constitute different power sources. The article challenges assumptions in power resource theories that associational, institutional and social‐cultural power are pre‐existing factors, arguing that trade unions have to co‐construct and enact those power sources in order for them to become meaningful. The article contributes to the debate on Networks of Labour Activism (NOLA) by showing that networked interactions with global unions and other labour support organizations help to construct power in an incremental way through information sharing, claim reframing, increasing social recognition, and the construction of a 'shadow of protection' for trade unions. But it also points out new limitations resulting from managerial and political resistance, which aims to contain and reverse the growing power of labour. The Bangladesh Accord is a double‐edged sword: on the one hand it provides unions with new opportunities for developing strategic capabilities, while on the other hand it is used by powerful domestic actors to discredit trade unions and mobilize workers against the constraints of the Accord.

On June the 9th 2016, More than 12,000 workers from different Yangon factories were protesting in Hlaing Tharyar township against low wages, forced and unpaid overtime, and the firing of organized workers. They were also protesting against the employers' ignorance against the decisions made by the Dispute Settlement Arbitration Council. With the introduction of the new labour law and the democratic opening in Myanmar since 2011, workers increasingly articulate inhumane working conditions and labour disputes are rising. Trade unions play a crucial role in helping workers formulating and articulating their complaints. Claiming rights is an important driver for democratic change in a political environment which was characterized by brutal repression of trade unions and labour rights under the military regime for over 50 years. This article discusses the link between trade union's role in the interpretation, spread, and application of the labour law and the current model of worker organizing.